MONASTEREVAN, PARISH OF – Comerford’s “Dioceses of Kildare and Leighlin”

PARISH OF MONASTEREVAN.

        IN addition to the district of Monasterevan proper, the present parish includes the old parochial districts of Kildangan, Nurney, Duneany, Harristown, Walterstown, Ballybracken, Lackagh, and part of Lea, all which,-except the townland of Inchacooly, in the Queen’s County,-are in the county of Kildare. A considerable portion of this district formerly belonged to the barony of Upper Philipstown and King’s County, but was, by the Act 6 and 7 William IV., incorporated with the county of Kildare.

        The parish derives its name, Mainistir-Emhin, from the monastery founded here by St. Emhin, or Evin, in the sixth century. St. Abban is said to have preceded St. Evin in this locality, and to have established a church, if not also a monastic house in it. St. Evin-sometimes styled Emin-an, i.e., “Little Evin,” and sometimes Beccan, which means “Little”-of the royal blood of Munster, brother to St. Cormac and two other saints, (1)-if he did not himself found the monastery, at least he colonized it by bringing thither a large number of monks from his native province. Hence the place, the previous name of which was Ros-glas (“the green wood”), came to be called Ros-glas-na-Moimneach, or “Ros-glas of the Munstermen.” Colgan thus writes of this saint:-“St Emin, who is also corruptly called Evinus, betook himself to Leinster, and at the bank of the river Barrow, . . . he raised a noble monastery, called in that age, Rosglas, and which, from the number of monks who followed the man of God from his own country of Munster, who were most holily governed by him there, began to be called Rosglas na-miamhneach, i.e., of the Momonians, and in process of time grew up into a large and formerly flourishing town. There the holy man was famous for many and great miracles, and that monastery, on account of the reverence paid to its first founder, stood in so great a veneration with posterity, that it was held a most safe sanctuary, and nobody presumed to offer violence or injury to the holy place who did not soon suffer the severity of the Divine vengeance. For the holy man is said to have obtained from God that none of the Lagenians, who should, with violent audacity, taste meat or drink in his sanctuary, or offer any other violence, would live beyond the ninth day afterwards. It was also said that after his death there was a bell belonging to this saint, which was called Bearnan Emhin, and was held in so great veneration that posterity, especially those sprung from the seed of Eugenius, his father, were accustomed to swear on it as a kind of inviolable oath, and conclude controversies by the virtue of the oath. It was in defence of this town that the famous battle of Bealach-Mughna (Ballymoon), in the plain of the country of Hy-drona, commonly called Maghailbhe, was fought, in which the Momonian invaders suffered great disaster, their King, Cormac-mac-Culenan, being slain.” In the Life of St. Clonfert Molua we read of that Saint visiting the Abbot St. Evin in his monastery, not far from the Barrow, which the most holy old man, Abban, had founded:-“S. Molua visitavit S. Evinum abbatem non longe a flumine Berbha in monasterio quod sanctissimus senex Abbanus fundavit, habitantem.” The following passage from the Book of Ballymote, 270, a, (kindly translated from the Irish, by Mr. W.M. Hennessy) refers to this monastery:-

Emin-an, son of Eoghan, son of Murchadh, son of Muiredach, son of Diarmait, son of Eoghan, son of Ailill Flann-beg. Ros-glaise, moreover, was his foundation-place. On the brink of the Barrow the church is. And it was he that left [word] with the Lagenians, that he would not preserve for a moment alive the laic who would taste meat or butter or cold milk in his church-i.e. in Ros-glaise of the Munstermen.

        And it is contending for this place the battle of Ballaghmoon, in Moy-ailbhe in Idrone, was given [fought]; and in it was slain Cormac MacCuilennan. Of which Cormac said:-

            “About Ros-glaisne we shall give

            The battle, since we cannot help it.

            By Fiach (2) shall fall a King, on account of the ‘Ros.’

            “Twill be sad, be true, be manifest.”

        The “swearing relic” of the Race of Eoghan is the Bernan Emin; and it is a miraculous breo, (“flame”.)

        The year of St. Evin’s death has not been recorded; Colgan, in Trias Thaum., states that it took place during the reign of Brandubh, King of Leinster, who was killed in the battle of Slaibhre, in A.D. 601 (or 604, according to the Annals of Ulster), after a reign of 30 years. O’ Curry and other reliable authorities, however, assign reasons for believing that our saint flourished at an earlier period, that he was a contemporary of St. Patrick, though only as a youth, and that his death occurred very early in the sixth century. We may justly conclude that he died on the 22^nd of December, as our calendars mark his feast on that day. The Martyrology of Tallaght at that date has the entry: “Emini Rois glaissi,” i.e., Emhin, or Evin of Rosglas; and the Mart. Donegal, at same date, has “Emin, Bishop of Rosglas, in Leinster, to the west of Cill-dara, on the brink of the Bearbha. Jamhnat, daughter of Sinell, was his mother. Eimhin was the son of Eoghan, etc. He was the brother of Cormac, son of Eoghan, as stated in the Life of the same Cormac.” St. Evin was the author of the Life of St. Patrick called the Tripartite, published by Colgan, from which Joceline, who wrote a Life of our Apostle early in the twelfth century, acknowledges that he derived much help. This work is written partly in Latin and partly in Irish. Of this Life, Dr. Lanigan says that it contains a much greater variety of details concerning the Saint’s proceedings during his mission in Ireland than any other of his Lives. St. Evin also wrote the Life of St. Congall, the famous Abbot and Founder of the Monastery of Bangor, out of which Colgan cites some particular passages. (Harris’s Ware.) Toimdenach, brother of St. Abban, was Abbot of Rosglas (Leabhar Breac), and Dubhan, another brother is said to have been a member of the same community; the feast of the former was celebrated on the 12^th of June, and that of the latter on the11th of November. Itharnaise is another saint whom we find connected with St. Evin and his monastery, and whose memory was celebrated on the same day, the 22^nd of December. The Feilire of Aengus, at that day, has the invocation:- “May (Ultan) the Silent’s prayer protect us! Itharnaisc who spoke not, who was with pure Emine from the brink of the dumb Barrow.” These two saints, Ultan and Itharnaisc, were chiefly identified with Clane, County of Kildare; they were brothers of St. Maighend, Abbot of Kilmainham, and sons of Aed, son of Colcan, King of Oirghallia. Aed himself became a monk, and died in 606.

A St. Cronan, whose feast is calendared at the 10^th of Feb., is also identified with this monastery. The Feilire of Aengus thus refers to him:-“Fair star, offspring of victory, glowing mass-gold, bright pillar, Cronan holy, without reproach, white sun of Glais-Mar!” To which the scholiast in the Leabhar Breac adds:- “Cronan the chaste, without reproach, i.e., in Ros Glaise,” etc.

        A manuscript volume in the Irish language, preserved in the Royal Irish Academy, – MSS. 23, P.3,-contains a most interesting prose tract entitled the Cain Emine (Emine’s Tribute or Rule), and also a poem, which may be called The Lay of the Bell of St. Emine. O’ Curry, in his descriptive catalogue, states his opinion that the prose tract is certainly as old as the year 800; but that the poem was not written till long after. These compositions are now published for the first time,-of the former, a translation; of the latter, the original Irish poem and an English translation,-through the kindness of Mr. W. M. Hennessy:-

        THE CAIN EMINE (EMINE’S TRIBUTE, OR “RULE”)

        From the M.S. 23, P. 3, R. I. A., beginning fol. 16, a.

        The Princes of Leinster came in the time of the plague to a great council with their king, viz., Bran Ua Faelain, as to what they should do in view of the tribulation that came upon the land of Leinster: whether each should go to his hereditary church, to assume the bachall (pilgrim’s staff), or all should assemble in one place, with their kings, whichever should be decided would be observed.

        Bran answered, and said, “Much have we been in God’s displeasure with him whom we served up to this; what is right now is to be united together, beseeching God, during our existence, in view of the plague.

        The princes all replied- “We agree to that.”

        The result of the council was that they should go to Emine Ban.

        They subsequently went to Emine Ban, and asked him to receive their resolution to do penance before God, and to become pilgrims with him, and to do what is good for their souls as long as they lived.

        Emine answered: “For you do I beseech God this night, that He may give us counsel regarding what you meditate.”

        They all fasted that night.

        Emine called his community early on the morrow, and said to them: “How shall we act in presence of the evil that has come? If we repel them, after they have entreated us, they shall have a triumph. If they abide with us, it will be a disgrace to us; should they die of this plague, and they beseeching us to aid them.”

         His community replied to Emine: “Whatver [thou counsellest] we shall agree to.”

“My counsel,” said Emine, “if you agree to it, is that we should implore the Lord to save these men from the plague, and that an equal number of us should [suffer] for their sake –I, myself, for the sake of Bran.”

        “Agreed, agreed,” said his Community to Emine, “we think that quite right.”

Emine summoned them [the Leinster Princes], and said to them: “We have taken counsel regarding you, and have prayed the Lord to enable us to protect you from this plague. And the way to do it is, that an equal number of my people shall go to Heaven for your sake, and I, myself, for the sake of Bran.”

        The Princes then gave thanks to God, and to Emine; but Bran thought it hard that Emine should devote himself for his own sake. And the fifty Princes, with their king, all bent the knee in token of submission to Emine an, whatsoever conditions he would impose on them.

        Whereupon Emine said to them: “This is my award, that you have the fear and love of God, and return to good manners towards God, and obey him. This is best of all.”

But the Princes asked Emine: “What reward shalt thou have from us for the protection given us? Is it the submission and services of us and our children for ever?”

        Emine answered: “Your property shall not fall to me. You are noble sheep of illustrious folds; this is a small fold, and but little sheep in it. But God’s will is great.”

        “What then shall we give?” asked the Princes; “is it lands and territories, or jewels and treasures?”

        Emine replied: “You shall offer me no reward therefore, that it be not said ‘twas on conditions we have prayed God regarding your protection, because you gave gifts and treasures and lands in return.”

        “But is there anything we could give thee?”

        “Yes,” answered Emine, “to give protection and assistance to this place [Ros-glas], and freedom for ever; and freedom for its possessions, granted or purchased; and that the Leinstermen shall decide all questions and contracts that may be raised regarding it.

        “If it be against the race of Bran the proceedings lie, the Community itself shall have the power of decision. If against any other person, the race of Bran shall be plaintiffs and Brehons, and the guarantees of Leinster, to secure the right of Emine an and his Community.”

        Bran Ua Faelan and the Princes of Leinster undertook this warranty as to the perfect freedom [of Ros-glas]; and the Princes, besides, assumed it upon themselves and their children for ever. These are the sureties Emine an selected, and who acknowledged the obligation, viz.,

            Ceallach, son of Aedh Cron, and

            Culdub, son of Certan;

            Degchairdil, son of Brocan;

            Finan, son of Maeldibid;

            Aedmesach, son of Maelruis;

            Dubheluana, son of Furodran;

            Eltine, son of Broca;

            Buide, son of Laighnen;

            Dubdacrich, son of Maelochtraig;

            Dimusach, son of Congaile;

            Maeltuile, son of Maeluidhir;

            Aedan, son of Eochaid;

            Fabnith, nepos of Tusechan; and

            Lapan and Mescill of the Laighis [Leix].

        The men whom we have referred to, as having been saved from that Plague with Bran, were consenting parties. And it is to the Prince the Community goes (who calls the Lords together), regarding the violation, or abuse, or forfeiture of this freedom of Ros-glas.

The arrangement made by Emine, for the devoting of his people instead of the fifty princes (including the king), was that seven of his people should die every day during a week, and that Emine himself should eventually die for Bran-after the requiem of his people. And Bran remained for a week in the place-his company being fifty-until the fifty clerics that were to devote themselves to them had been exhibited to them. And lots were to be cast for the fifty of Emine’s community, so that it might be known what seven were to die for the sake of the others.

        The seven [so selected] would go to meet the seven for whom they devoted themselves, who would dig graves for them; and the devotees would then assume their sacrificial garments and receive Communion. And Emine would go in front of them towards the Princes, for whose sake they were to die, and say: “Hereall seven who die (to preserve you) without pain or disease; and no cause compels them, save to die for your sake.”

        The clerics would then bid farewell to the heroes for whom they devoted themselves, and embrace one another. And the heroes would weep for joy, moreover, at the going of the clerics to Heaven.

        “Whilst what has been promised me is observed,” said Emine, “you shall have the assistance of God from Heaven, and our prayers all. My Bell, which you have seen, and which you have heard soothing my people in devoting themselves for you, should be respected by you. Its ringing against you will be evil; for the day that it is rung to curse you for your sins, your time shall be shortened; there shall be neither king nor materies regis from the King, or Prince, or Lord, against whom it is rung; and we shall not see him in Heaven, and they shall not even be happy on earth. And any other persons against whom it is rung, if they are guilty of sin, shall not be happy either in Heaven or on Earth.

        One of the conditions promised regarding the freedom of the Church was, that any monk, however noble, and however distinguished his kindred, if the community determined, should be submissive to Emine Ban, without objection or opposition.

        And Laics (male or female) were not to be fed in the three Lents of the year, nor on Wednesdays, nor on Fridays, nor on Sundays, nor after Vespers, or before Tierce; and that neither bacon, nor meat, nor butter should be given to a Leinsterman on those occasions, to the day of Doom. And the non-performance of these conditions, until the day of Doom, is against the Instructions of Emine Ban, and to his offence (as well as of all the saints and faithful); and against the orders of the King and Princes.

        Emine then abided 40 nights, to sing the requiem of his Community, and to confirm and enforce the Covenants.

        When the time came for him to go to Heaven, he summoned Bran and the nobles of Leinster, to take leave of them, and to show to Bran that he was going to Heaven for his (Bran’s) sake. . . . . And he sought no reward from Bran, except one thing, “that my cemetery,” said Emine, “shall be the burial-place of a King.”

        “One of thy race shall come,” said Emine, “and his name shall be Bran; and his tomb shall be in my place, that it may be an increase of freedom and respect to my place with the Lagenians all.”

        Emine took a blessing from the Princes, and left another. He subsequently went to Heaven, without pain or ache, for the freedom of Ros-glas from the Leinstermen for Ever.

            This Bell of the noble Kings

            Gives shortness of life to some;

            No person ‘gainst whom ‘tis rung,

            Shall possess earth or Heaven.

            A death-draught is the sound of its tone

            In any place, after having been profaned.

            Woe! That profanes it in his warm abode-

            There will be satire, and malediction!

             I commend to the noble saints,

            (On coming to my last end),

            That loved people be not round the sweet bell,

            That it shall be their “Ordo” and Mass bell.

            It was not a grievous injury

            Regarding the Host (4) or fair communion;

            The water poured from it was cause of strength,

            “Twas satiety, ‘twas sacrifice.

            A protection to stock and cattle,

            A safeguard ‘gainst battle and quarrel,

            A shelter to any army, to which it reaches,

            Shall be its sound, and its clear tone.

            If borne before the Lagenians in battle,

            These are of the number of its high virtues:-

            They shall not fall, nor their King;

            They shall overcome all troubles.

            In seeking a truce from a King

            For his church and fair land,

            If [the Saint] strikes loudly the famous Bell,

            He shall obtain his request, willingly or by force.

            My wish before every wish to-day

            [ (5) ] regarding Leinstermen,

            Pleasing and soft if they vex not my church,

            To Leinstermen my bell shall be.

            Fifty hardy clerics we,

            In our Refectory in the north side;

            Bran in the south side, fifty Kings:-

            Our friendship was truly cemented.

            Then I made a noble offer,

            To battle great Bran, Conall’s son,

            That I would go for his sake, a hard condition,

            To the grave and unto death.

            Safe was Bran and his fifty Kings;

            I was suffering under the evil of their heavy band;

            I was not speedily impelled thereto-

            Truly, it was a great protection.

            The fortunate Kings escaped,

            With their active hosts;

            Not one of their family suffered,

            I boast it, from the yellow plague.

           Every stranger, every young prince,

           To whom the great plague may come-

          ‘Twill give them health against all ills.

           To deal water to them from my good bell.

           Bear my bell to Leinster’s King,

           For the protection of my cows and bally;

           He shall be like the strong against the young,

           If my Bell is by him respected.

           Bear my Crozier (6) across the Barrow,

           To the Race of the great, learned Mescill;(7)

           A noble standard over Knights in battle

           Shall be the victorious yellow crozier. (8)

           Let my mias (altar) remain in the land of Ui-Failge,

           For comfort and perpetual succour;

           By it we went, with the company there,

           To the Body of Christ, (9) in its presence.

          My Gospels (10) holy shall be powerful

          For cain (Rule) and for guarantee.

          Let us take with us, against danger.

          My altar slab, (11) and my cloth (cuilebad.)

          My reliquary, great in the Plain,

          Bear to the host of broad Liffey;

          The Bell of the Kings, from the mighty flood,

          To the Race of Buide son of Laighnen.

         The cause of the wandering of the sharp little Bell

         The clan of brave, heroic Labraid (12) know-

         Never could I be, have I been, able to tell.

         Great with all is the fair Bell.

         Seven persons every whole day

         From me went to the death-meeting;

         On the tenth day after Halloween,

         They began (to feel) the pangs of illness.

         Seven were healed every day,

         Of Bran’s people, without grievous sorrow;

         From the approach of the Buide (13) that attacked them,

         They were all healed in a week.

         Forty days, without stain,

         Were thou and I, Bran, severely,

         After the death of my stout, brave saints,

         Singing their requiem, and interring them.

         I die for thy sake, without sin;

        O, Bran, great is thy safeguard.

        Except Christ Who suffered for all

        No equal protection has been given.

        O, Iamnat, (14) daughter of Sinell,

        Son of Nadfraech-true is what I say:

        Thy son shall soon depart from thee;

        Death shall take away thy Abbot and Bishop.

        A happy death is not my lot;

        I am not allowed my request;

        But I boast not in any place,

        To die for the sake of my guarantee.

        To-night I go to death,

        To the Lord’s Bosom, in Holy Heaven;

        The way to the grave, is the common road,

        Strike ye quickly the mild Bell.

        My chariot’s journey,(15) without concealment,

        Bran offered me, as property;

        And the protection of my famous place,

        For every, was promised by Leinster’s King.

        What other things were offered me,

        [By] the Knights of Carman, without decay,

        I accepted not: Let them go

        To the church, as a free gift.

        This is the rich freedom

        Given to me by the heroic Leinstermen

        That every famous hero should observe,

        Three Lents in every year.

        Every one who selects [to abide] in my strong land,

        Of whatever sept his kindred may be;

        To me for every, famous the rule, belongs,

        His services, his great assistance.

        Without (16) food for any on Sunday,

        For woman or serving man;

        Not for a chief, accompanied by numbers

        On Friday, or Wednesday.

        Without (17) food for man on Sunday,

        Early or late;

        Through rule, or through friendship,

        Except to the Orders (18) of the Church.

        The precise period at which the original monastery of St. Evin fell to decay is not known; very probably it was amongst the many religious houses that suffered from the depredations of the Danes in the ninth and tenth centuries. The Annals of Clonmacnoise, at the year 1002, well describe the work of destruction perpetrated by those infidel hordes: “The whole realme was overrunn and overspread (by the Danes). The churches, abbeys, and other religious places were by them quite razed and debased, or otherwise turned to vile, base, servile, and abominable uses . . . . But King Bryan (Boromha) was a meet salve to cure such festered soares, all the phissick in the world cou’d not help it elsewhere; in a small time he banished the Danes, made up the Churches and Religious Houses, restored the nobility to their antient patrimony and possessions, and in fine brought all to a notable reformation.”

        The Cistercian Abbey of Rosglas, or de Rosea Valle, in honour of our Blessed Lady and St. Benedict, was founded and endowed by Dermott O’ Dempsey, Chief of Clanmalier and Lord of Offalley, – according to some, in the year 1178, but in 1189 according to others. Grace’s Annals, at 1178, record: “The Monastery of Rosea Vallis, that is Rosglas, is founded.” A List of the Cistercian Abbeys in Ireland, taken from a MS. In Library T.C.D. (E. 3, 8, p. 65.) apparently copied from an ancient authority, not given, assigns the foundation of this abbey to 1189: “Annie fundationum Monasteriorum Cisterciensium Hiberniae et contributiones eorum antiquae, ex vet. cod. MSS. de Statutis, bullis et aliis rebus ord. Cisterc. Hib. . . . .1189. De Rosea Valle, Lagenia, VIS.” The Charter of Foundation,-which is subjoined, along with its translation, in the Annals of Clonmacnoise,-supplies no information relative to the date. The death of the founder is recorded by the Four Masters as having taken place in 1193.

MONASTICON ANGLICANUM, VOL. II. P. 1031- COENOBIA HIBERNICA

-Ord. Cist.

Abathia

de Rosglas, alias de Rosea

Valle.

Charta fundationis ejusdem.

        Dermitius O Demesy, Rex Ofaliae, universis nobilibus, clericis et laicis, tam presentibus, quam futuris salutem; universitati vestrae notum facio me Dermitium O Demesy Regem Ofaliae per assensum Muredachi O Concur, dedisse et confirmasse Deo et Monachis S. Mariae de Rosglas, terras ad Monasterium construendum, in honorem beatae Mariae semper Virginis, et beati Benedicti Abbatis, in elemosinam, jure perpetuo. Hae sunt ergo terrae, quas ego Dermitius O Demesy Rex Ofaliae dedi et confirmavi praefatis Monachis de Rosglas in remissionem peccatorum meorum et parentum meorum; Situm Monasterii de Rosglas, et totam terram de Eiothil et Reacheaihar, cum pertinentiis suis, Clonarkerban, Clonangay, Dere, Ardmidie, et Kilmore, cum pertinentiis suis, Glassigelly descendens usque Barue, Hadinsefot, usque Hadhildred, Hadelonan, usque Barue, Henseredan, cum pertinentiis suis; Thacsartan et Archadachafernan cum pertinentiis suis, et cum hominibus ad easdem terras pertinentibus. Has ergo terras omnes superascriptas do et confirmo praedictis Monachis, tuendas in liberam et puram elemosinam, salute animae meae, et omnium antecessorum et successorum meorum. Quare volo et firmiter praecipio, quod praefata Ecclesia de Rosglas, et Monachi et fratres eorum ibidem Deo servientes habeant et teneant praedictas terras, et possideant bene et in pace, libere et quite, integre, et plenarie, honorfice, et pacifice, omnes terras praedictas, cum omnibus libertatibus et pertinentiis suis, scilicet in sylvis et planis, in pratis et pasturis, et mariscis, in aquis et piscariis in viis et semitis, in stagnis et molendinis, et vivariis, in turbariis et omnibus montibus et vallibus, et aliis locis et rebus ad easdem terras pertinentibus, liberas et quietas et solutes ab omni consetudine, et exactione, et servitio seculari. Testibus, Nehemia Darensi Episcopo, Donato Lethlinensi Episcopo, Filano filio Filani, Flan O Demesi, Hakinech O Dimesi, Donchad O Dimisi, Fin O Dimesy, Aedo Dimesy, Culbaillino O Duin, Congal O’ Kelly, Rocnur Dengulla, Kelach mac Aulaf, et aliis multis.

Ann: Clonmacnoise; translated

By Connell MacGeoghegan

in 1627.

            Charter of Foundation.

        “Dermott O’ Dempsey, king of Ofalia, to all his nobles, clergy and laity both present and to come greeting: I make known to you all that I Dermot O’ Dempsey, King of Ofalia, by the consent of Muredach O’ Connor have given and confirmed to God and the monks of the Blessed Virgin Mary of Rosglas, land on which to build a Monastery in honour of the Blessed Mary ever Virgin, and of Saint Benedict, the abbot, as a perpetual elemosinary. These are the lands which I Dermot O’ Dempsey, King of Ofalia have given and confirmed to the aforesaid Monks of Rosglas in remission of my sins and of the sins of my parents: the site of the monastery of Rosglas and all the lands of Eiothil (20) and Racheaihar (21) with their appurtenances; Clonarkerhan,(22) Clanaugay,(23) Dere,(24) Ardmidie and Kilmore.(25) with their appurtenances; Glassigelly descending to the Barue(26); Hadinsefot, as far as Hadhildred, Hadelonan as far as the Barue; Hensereden with their appurtenances; Thacsartan and Archadachaferman with their appurtenances and with the men belonging to the same lands. All these lands aforesaid I give and confirm to the aforesaid monks to be held as a free, pure and perpetual elemosinary for the health of my soul and the souls of my predecessors and successors. Wherefore I will and firmly command that the aforesaid Church of Ros-glas and the monks and their brethren serving God therein, may have and hold the aforesaid lands; and possess well and in peace, freely and quietly, entirely and fully, honourably and peaceably all the aforesaid lands with all their liberties and appurtenances, namely, in woods, plains, in meadows, pasturages, and morasses; in waters and fisheries; in roads and paths; in pools (ponds), mills and vivariis; in turbaries and all mountains and vallies, and in all other places and things appertaining to the same lands, free, quit and solutas from all customs and exactions, and from secular duty.

        “Witnesses, Nehemia, Bishop of Kildare.

                           Donatus, Bishop Lethlin,

                           Filan, the son of Filan,

                           Flan O’ Demsi,

                           Hekinech O’ Dimesi,

                           Donchad O’ Dimesi,

                           Aed O’ Demesy,

                           Culballinus O’ Duin,

                           Clongal O’ Kelly,

                           Rocnur Dengulla,

                           Kelach MacAulah,

                           and many others.”

        In 1198, John, Abbot of Monasterevan, was elected to fill the vacant See of Leighlin, and his election was confirmed by Matthew O’ Heney, Archbishop of Cashel and Legate Apostolic, the metropolitan, John Cumin, Archbishop of Dublin, being in England or Normandy, whither he had gone to make complaint to King Richard and Prince John of the sacrilegious rapacity of Hano de Valoniis, or De Valois, the English Deputy. This Hano opposed the election of Abbot John and took forcible possession of the temporalities of the See, and even of the private property of the Canons. By advice of the Legate, John proceeded to Rome to submit to Pope Innocent III. an account of these violent proceedings. The Pope himself consecrated John, and furnished him with letters addressed to the chapter, clergy, and laity of Leighlin, stating that he had consecrated him their Bishop, and charging them to be obedient to him as such. The Pope also wrote, in terms of stern rebuke to Prince John, warning him against impeding the Bishop of Leighlin in the administration of his See, and, furthermore, requiring him to oblige Hano to restore the temporalities of the church and chapter, and threatening him with certain consequences in case of non-compliance (Ware’s Bishops; Lanigan).

        In 1199, the Abbot of Roseavalle was, at his own request, allowed by the General Chapter to celebrate in his House the Feast of St. Aemilius (Cap. Gen. Ord. Cist. Martene). Dean Butler is undoubtedly correct in his surmise, that Aemilius is a misprint in Martene, for Eminius (Emine), or Evin, the Saint of the place, and from whom it derives its name.

        A.D. 1225. Moylemorrey O’ Connor of Offaly was killed at Rosglas, by Cowlen O’ Dempsey. (Annals of Clonmacnoise).

        A.D. 1297. The then Abbot of this Monastery, being accused of receiving into his house many Irish felons, plunderers, and robbers of the country of Offaley, appeared and proved that his Abbey was situated in the marches and out of the Pale, and that he had never knowingly received either felons or robbers. The jurors found that he (the Abbot) had not voluntarily harboured such men; moreover, that he had not power to resist or detain such felons; but that he had not made use of any means to raise the hue-and-cry; and the Abbot was thereupon fined half a mark. (King, P. 377.)

        A.D. 1520. Heke was Abbot. In 1519, Gerald, Earl of Kildare and Lord Deputy, becoming suspected of an intent to form a confederacy amongst the Irish chieftains against the English Government should he be removed from Office, was summoned to the English court in consequence. That he had not fallen much into disfavour with the King is evidenced by his having been one of those who accompanied Henry to the “Field of the Cloth of Gold.” Wolsey, who had conceived the greatest distrust or dislike for the whole race of Geraldine, soon after Lord Gerald’s departure, caused the Earl of Surrey to be appointed Deputy in his stead. We find Surrey, under date of the 5^th September, 1520, writing to his patron, “that the said Earl of Kildare had sent a letter, in Irish, by the Abbot of ‘Monaster Evyn’ to O’ Carroll, desiring him, as soon as an English Deputy should be appointed, to make war upon the Pale. Surrey then goes on to state that he had examined three of O’ Carroll’s brothers, who had confessed to the fact of the letter having been sent by Kildare to O’ Carroll, and one of them deposed that it had been delivered into the hands of the Irish chieftain by the Abbot of Monasterevan in his presence, that he had heard it read, and had marked its contents, etc.-“The saying of Donough O’ Keroyll, brother unto O’ Keroyll, concerning the letter sent by the Erle of Kildare to O’ Keroyll, which he had deposed unto the Evangelist to be true. He said that in Ester weke last past the Abbot of Monaster Evyn, called Heke, brought a letter to O’ Keroyll out of England, in Irish etc.” (State Papers, Pt. 3, p. 45.) The evidence of this man, attested by Chief Justice Bermingham and Sir William Darcy (selected because they understood Irish), not being sufficient to establish the Earl’s guilt, Surrey accordingly informs Wolsey that he was doing his utmost to get the Abbot himself into his power; he also suggests that Kildare should be brought to an examination. “Methinks,” he writes, “if you have laid to the Earl’s charge that such a letter he sent to O’ Carroll, by the Abbot of Monasterevan, in Irish, and that he, the said Abbot, had confessed the same before him, he cannot deny it.” Surrey also advises to have Delahide, the Earl’s secretary, committed to the Tower, and there put to the torture, to draw from him that he was the writer. The marriage of the Earl of Kildare to the Lady Elizabeth Grey, daughter of the Marquis of Dorset, and the King’s own kinswoman, seems to have stayed all further proceedings against him with regard to this alleged letter.

        A.D. 1534. Turlough Duv O’ Dempsey was killed by his own kinsmen, although he was under the protection of God and St. Evin. His slayer was afterwards slain by O’ More, through the miracle of God and St. Evin. (Four Masters.)

        This entry probably implies, either that Turlough O’ Dempsey was a member of the Community at Monasterevan, or else that he had sought sanctuary there, in punishment for the violation of which St. Evin is represented as having the delinquent put to death.

        The Abbot of this house, though it was beyond the Pale, was entitled to sit as a Baron in Parliament, when summoned for the purpose, but this seldom occurred. With the exception of the Abbot of Mellifont, and those of St. Thomas, and the Blessed Virgin, near Dublin, and the Prior of St. John of Jerusalem, the spiritual peers were seldom summoned (Ware’s Annals, A.D. 1539). In the list of the Monasteries surrendered to the King in 1539, (Ware) that of “Rosglasse, al S.Evin,” is mentioned. In a Parliament held two years subsequently, under St. Leger, a law was passed confirming the disposal of all the Abbeys in Ireland to the King, who, soon after, disposed of their possessions to his nobles, courtiers, and others, reserving to himself certain revenues or annual grants. We find in the patent Rolls, Edward VI. (Morrin), about the year 1548, copy of a clause contained in the Lord Protector and Council’s letter for assignment of a pension to the late Abbot of Monasterevan:-“We are contented that ye do grant and appoint a pension to the late abbot of the Monastery of Evine, as ye demand.              

             J. Russell.                Anthony Wingfield.                                    -No date.

        At the general suppression, this Abbey and its possessions were granted to George, Lord Audley, who assigned the same to Adam Loftus, Viscount Ely. (Monast. Hib.) This Loftus was the founder of the Ely family. He came to Ireland with the Lord Deputy, Thomas, Earl of Sussex, to whom he acted as chaplain, and afterwards to Queen Elizabeth. Bishop Mant informs us that “The eloquence of his language, his graceful address, and comely person” so won upon that susceptible sovereign, that, although under the canonical age, she appointed him Protestant Archbishop of Armagh, in 1562, and translated him to Dublin in 1578. He was a bitter persecutor of the Catholics, and his memory is especially odious in connection with the torture and martyrdom of O’ Hurley, Archbishop of Cashel. Having, through means of Fleming, Baron of Slane, though himself a Catholic, got the saintly Archbishop into their hands, Adam Loftus and Sir William Wallop, Lords Justices, wrote to London for instruments of torture to force from him an admission of guilt. “We have made commissions to Mr. Waterhouse and Secretary Fenton,” they write to Walsingham, “to put him (O’ Hurley) to the torture, such as you honour advised us, which was to toast his feet against the fire in hot boots.” This diabolical proceeding was quickly followed up by a mockery of a trial in form of court-martial; for Loftus was apprehensive that his victim might escape on Perrott’s accession to the Deputyship. Accordingly he had his prisoner put to death two days before he was to vacate the office of Lord Justice, as he himself relates in his official report. (State Papers concerning the Irish Church, temp. Elizab. Edited by Dr. W. Maziere Brady)

        Archbishop O’ Hurley was executed on the 6^th of May, 1584, in St. Stephen’s Green, on almost the very spot now occupied by the Catholic University, the foundation of which may therefore be said to have been watered by the blood of this martyr prelate, shed at the instance of the founder and first Provost of T.C.D. (Freeman’s Journal Church Commission).

        Archbishop Loftus, like Ussher, had serious thoughts at the close of life, of submitting to the Catholic Church.

        Adam Loftus, nephew to the first of the name, was appointed Lord Chancellor in 1619, and created Viscount Ely in 1622. This Loftus, and Boyle, Earl of Cork, were appointed Lords Justices in 1628, in the absence of Deputy Falkland. They availed themselves of their ample powers to harass the unfortunate Catholics, fining them for absenting themselves from the Protestant service, and for having their children baptized by their lawful pastors. In addition to this, they gave a roving commission to a staff of greedy officials whom they styled “surveyors of bells and parish churches,” empowering them to go through the country and report “on the state of religious edifices,” and whilst on this tour of inspection, “to cess themselves on the Papists for chickens and bacon, and to arrest all suspected dignitaries of the Romish religion” (Meehan’s Irish Hierar., 17^th Cent.) The chief seat of the Ely family was Rathfarnham Castle, but they occasionally resided at Monasterevan. Lord Chancellor Loftus is said to have held the High Court of Chancery in the great hall of the present edifice in 1641. (Lewis’s Top. Dict.) The Abbey and its possessions passed to the Drogheda family by the marriage of Jane Loftus, only child of Arthur, the third and last Viscount of the creation of 1622. She was wife of Charles, Lord Moore, and their son, Henry, became fourth Earl of Drogheda.

        Francis Cosby, Sheriff of Kildare and Provost Marshall of Leinster, resided at Monasterevan, as appears from many references to him in the State Papers, temp. Philip and Mary, Edwd. VI., and Elizabeth. January 1^st, 1558, a Commission was issued to Francis Cosby of Evin, gent., sheriff of Kildare, to execute martial law in the countries of Leix, Offaly, Irrey, and Glanmaliere, and the marches and confines thereof. (Morrin’s Pat. Rolls.) He had, previous to this, been appointed to the office of General of all the kerne retained, or to be retained in the solde (pay) of Ireland, with a fee of 3s. 8d. a day, the leading of 32 kern, and 3d. a day each for their entertainment. (Id. Sept. 10^th, 5˚ and 6˚ Phil. And Mary.) At Monasterevan, therefore it was, most probably, that the bloody treachery of Mullaghmast was arranged. Thady Dowling thus refers to it:-“Moris mac Lasy mic Conyll (O’ More) dominus de Merggi (ut ille asseruit) et baronis de Omergi successor, cum 40 hominibus de sua familia post confederationem suam cum Rory O’ Moardha, et super quadam protectione, interfectus fuit apud Mallaghmastyn in comitatu Kildariae, ad eundem locum ob id propositum per Magistrum Cosby, et Robertum Harpoll, sub umbra servitii accersitus collusorie.” A later writer adds:- “Harpoll excused it that Moris had given words to the breach of his protection.” There is but too much reason for considering the O’Dempseys implicated in this act of predetermined murder. The O’ Dempseys had not forfeited their property; an Inquisition taken at Phlipstown, 12 Sept., 1617, finds that, on the 18^th Dec., 1575, ample possessions were secured to various members of this family. Edmund O’ Dempsey was a captain of Kerne under Cosby, as appears from Pat. of Sept. 10, 1558, already quoted; and there is further proof that O’ Dempsey, who resided at Ballybrittas, and Cosby, were on most neighbourly terms. They ultimately fared no better than if they had remained faithful to their country, as has been already shown. O’ Donovan, (note to Four MM. A.D. 1577) refers to an interesting account of this massacre written by the Rev. John Whelan, P.P. of Portarlington, who died in 1775, aged 91; Father Whelan quotes as authority for the details he gives, “an old gentleman of the name of Cullen who resided in the County Kildare in 1705, and who had discoursed with one Dwyer and one Dowling, actually living at Mullaghmast when this horrid murder was committed.” This old gentleman was, very probably, the James Cullen of Clonegath, Gent., who appears as one of the sureties, in 1704, for the P.P. of Monasterevan, Rev. Matthew Cullen, no doubt his relative. The family continued at Clonegath till, at least, the middle of the 18^th Century; on an estate map, dated 1748, the tenant there is set down as Doctor Cullen.

        By an Act of the Parliament, assembled by King James II. at Dublin in 1689, the estate of Lord Ely was bestowed, with other possessions, on the Duke of Tyrconnell. The following document, bearing on this subject, will be of interest; it is copied from the original, found in the Muniment room, Davidstown, County of Kildare, and has attached the autograph signature of Tyrconnell:-“Whereas all the estate formerly belonging to the Lord Viscount of Eley, within the King’s County, Queen’s County, and County of Kildare, and all the estate formerly belonging to Sir Robert Caluill and Sir Charles Meredith in the Counties of Dublin and Kildare, and the estate lately belonging to Sir Richard Buckley in and about Dunlavin, within the Counties of Dublin and Wicklow are settled upon us, our heirs, etc., by a late act of Parliament. We therefore, reposing great trust and confidence in the integrity, honesty and ability of Wm. rfitzGerald of Crookestown in the said County of Kildare, Esq., have authorized and empowered and we doo by these presents authorize and empower him the said William ffitzGerald to call before him all and every ye respective tenants farmers and occupiers of all the said severall and respective Estates before mentioned in order to inspect into and Examen ‘their leases holdings yearly rents and the arrears thereof, and to receive and levy by all lawfull ways all the arrears from the said respective tenants due for the last half-year ending the five and twentieth day of March last past or the first day of May last past by reason of their respective holdings of and in any of the said Estates before mentioned, and upon receipt of the said arrears or any part thereof to give sufficient discharges for us, and in case any part of the said respective Estates he untenanted to set the same to the best advantage for this present year ending the five and twentieth day of March next ensueing the date hereof, And we doe hereby further authorize and empower the said William fitzGerald to name and appoint for this present year such and soe many seneschals bailiffs and serjeants as he shall think fit within the respective Lordships and mannors in the said estates respectively, Ratifying and hereby confirming what the said William ffitzGerald shall lawfully doe in and about the premises as fully and amply to all entents and purposes whatsoever as if we ourselves had done and performed the same. In witness whereof we have hereunto sett our hand and seale the seventeenth day of August in the year of our Lord God one thousand six hundred Eighty nine.

Tyrconnell (Seal)

                               By his Grace’s Command.

                                                               Dan. Doran.”